“We learn from the examples of the past how to live and work for the future”
Milena Rudnytska
In the stream of news and daily routine, there is often neither the time nor the opportunity to immerse in history. Within the framework of “Women Leaders in Media — Ukraine-EU Support Program” NGO Women in Media organized a lecture by Alla Shvets, Doctor of Philology, who spoke about the formation of the Ukrainian women’s press. History, she noted, enables a deeper analysis of the challenges faced by gender-sensitive journalism today.
Editors from regional and national media joined the event to broaden their knowledge of history and compare it with contemporary realities. Alla Shvets reminded the audience that already 140 years ago, women were creating media history. The printed word turned into action, becoming both voice and agency for women. The parallels with the present are striking — and worth recording.
Stars
Every era has its stars, alliances, conflicts, and tragedies. A century and a half ago, Ukrainian women began their struggle for the right to be visible, for the right to create something of their own. Ukrainian women’s publications emerged in defiance of established norms. The first women’s journals — Lada and Rusalka — published in Lviv in 1853, were Russophile. This created the demand for explicitly Ukrainian publications.
Does this not resemble the shift from Russian to Ukrainian in many media outlets after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine?
A pivotal stage in the development of the women’s movement was the founding of the Society of Ruthenian Women by Natalia Kobrynska. This became a driving force behind feminist processes, journalism, and literature.
“On the basis of the Society of Ruthenian Women, women wanted to establish a women’s reading room with their own publishing house, to awaken the female spirit through literature,” explains Alla Shvets.
True media stars of the time were Natalia Kobrynska, Olena Kysilevska, Olena Pchilka, and Milena Rudnytska. Each was a remarkable figure. They could collaborate as well as compete.
Olena Kysilevska made Kolomyia a center of feminist journalism. This resonates with today: a media outlet does not have to be based in Kyiv to be influential and popular. Her journal Zhinocha Dolia (Women’s Fate) outstripped the widely read Nova Khata (New Home), and targeted broad circles of women. Kysilevska declared that they sought to educate women as citizens conscious of their rights. Thanks to Olena Kysilevska, a section on the international women’s movement appeared, accompanied by active networking with women who had emigrated to different corners of the world. Is this not an example of cross-border cooperation?
Milena Rudnytska focused on women’s participation in politics, the importance of civic peace, and national consolidation. She spoke about international cooperation and insisted that Ukraine, as a nation, must pursue a consistent foreign policy. It was she who said that Russian imperialism was Ukraine’s greatest enemy. It was she who brought the Holodomor of 1932–1933, perpetrated by Stalin’s regime, to the attention of the international community. Even her death became a protest: disillusioned by injustice, she declared an indefinite hunger strike and died.
After these words of Alla Shvets, I could not help but recall Viktoria Roshchyna, who likewise tried to show the world Russia’s war crimes. She, too, endured hunger, not by choice, but because Russian executioners subjected her to torture and then killed her.
Each of these editors and journalists has since been the subject of research, publications, and podcasts. I can well imagine that a hundred years from now, there will be texts describing the experiences of today’s participants in the Women Leaders in Media — Ukraine-EU Support Program.
The First Garland
Another landmark event in the development of women’s journalism was the publication of the almanac Pershyi Vinok (The First Garland), which introduced new women’s voices to society and sparked numerous conflicts.
The First Garland marked the beginning of the tradition of women’s writing and literary sisterhood. Its gender policy was noteworthy. The pro-feminist Mykhailo Pavlyk wished to publish his article in the almanac, but Kobrynska insisted it was to be exclusively female.
Olena Pchilka did not want to include the works of Hanna Barvinok, calling them as “stinking carrots.” The stories of Olha Kobylianska were likewise excluded — the author herself accused Kobrynska of blocking them, writing bitterly: “I hate you so much, Natalka.” Another version holds that it was Ivan Franko who cut them.
Does this not resemble modern-day Facebook comment feuds?
Pchilka’s story Tovaryshky (Comrades) was edited by Franko so heavily that, in her words, “not even Russian censorship had cut so much.” Every journalist can likely relate to such experiences.
The First Garland raised a wave of criticism. Male critics wrote scathing reviews. Nalalia Kobrynska responded in the newspaper Zoria, dismissing the critiques as “boys’ jokes” and arguing that the critics knew nothing of the women’s movement and mocked only for their own amusement.
Pantaleimon Kulish came to Kobrynska’s defense, telling her: “Our dear daughter, do not worry. They criticize not because your publication is weak, but because you lack sufficient support in Galicia.”
Of course, today, there are organizations and media professionals ready to support their colleagues. For example, Women in Media systematically supports female journalists, including those affected by online violence.
Fundraising
The financial issue is always relevant. In present-day Ukraine, reductions in American donor funding have forced media outlets to seek alternative resources, building reader communities, hosting events, and so on. Did you know that for the First Garland, funds were raised through social gatherings? Alla Shvets explains that through social gatherings and membership fees, a considerable sum was raised over the course of a year for the publication of the almanac. The First Garland was also offered for pre-sales. There was a system of pre-orders, with announcements in Dilo, the most authoritative Galician newspaper at the time, and readers could purchase the almanac in advance.
“Some women still feared making independent decisions, feared their own voice in literature. They looked at the church and patriarchal environment for guidance. Imagine: after raising a considerable sum for the almanac, part of the group decided instead to buy a silver tray as a gift for the newly appointed bishop of Stanyslaviv (present-day Ivano-Frankivsk), Yulian Pelesh, who had come from Vienna. For Kobrynska, this was unacceptable. She left the society in protest, but continued her publishing work,” says Alla Shvets.
The First Garland would not have been possible without cooperation between writers from Galicia and the Upper Dnipro Ukraine. It was Olena Pchilka (from Upper Dnipro Ukraine), who contributed half the funds. Ultimately, the almanac proved costly, sold slowly, and gathered dust in Franko’s attic. Only recently has it been appreciated. It was difficult to find a copy in libraries. Therefore, in 2024, Creative Women Publishing released a reprint edition, along with a collection of essays, Women Who Created the First Garland, about the authors of the almanac.
Who is our Franko?
Ivan Franko appears in nearly every episode of the women’s movement. He wrote the first historical study of women’s emancipation, Ruthenian Bondage in Folk Songs. He recruited authors for the First Garland, supported and promoted it, and worked painstakingly on its preparation, even though his name never appeared on the title page.
“We speak of Franko as a pro-feminist who strongly supported the women’s movement — through media advocacy, and through the hard editorial labor required to prepare the almanac. He himself said he was ready to help with advice, deeds, and materials — and he did,” notes Alla Shvets.
Franko mediated in the conflict between Olena Pchilka and Hanna Barvinok.
He persuaded Olena Pchilka not to pursue a Second Garland but to focus instead on periodicals. He also became the sole holder of the complete manuscript of Olena Pchilka’s story Comrades.
Alla Shvets traced their correspondence. In letter after letter, Olena Pchilka asked him to return it, but he refused. Only recently was the full text found in Franko’s archive, and in 2024, Volyn National University published it in a 12-volume edition of Olena Pchilka’s works.
As we see, it is impossible to discuss events of that era without mentioning Ivan Franko. The webinar participants reflected: who, then, is our contemporary pro-feminist Franko? We invite you to the discussion. Share your ideas.
A podcast series with Alla Shvets about the founders of Ukrainian feminism is available here.